Every election season, the same question comes up again, at least in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s office: Why is Tamil Nadu still such a difficult political ground for them?
The BJP-led NDA has driven Hindutva politics fiercely across most of the northern, eastern, central and western states. From only 7 states in 2014, they have now expanded to 22 states/union territories. Riding high on the tide of religion and aggressive nationalism, they even managed to seize West Bengal, by hook or by crook. That is another story.
However, Tamil Nadu continues to respond differently to the charged political narratives built around religion and nationalism. The 2026 Assembly elections brought that contrast back into discussion once again.
This time round, actor-turned-politician Chandrasekaran Joseph Vijay rose to prominence, driving his Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), which came into existence only in 2024, to a resounding victory. But beyond the celebrity headlines, the bigger political story lies somewhere else. It is all about Tamil Nadu’s long relationship with language politics, regional identity, and the legacy of the Dravidian movement.
Unlike many northern states, where religion has increasingly become the centre of politics, Tamil Nadu’s politics developed differently. Here, language and regional identity became much stronger political emotions over time. The long-standing Dravidian movement has always strongly opposed Hindi imposition and excessive control from central New Delhi, shaping a political culture where Tamil identity often carries more political importance than religion itself.
This is why the anti-Hindi agitations of the 1930s and 1960s still matter politically today in Tamil Nadu. The protests began against attempts to make Hindi compulsory in schools and later intensified when the Centre proposed making Hindi the sole official language of India. Led predominantly by students, the anti-Hindi protests overthrew the ruling Congress and brought the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) to power in 1967. So strong was their regional resolve that only Dravidian parties have formed the government in Tamil Nadu ever since, and all of them carried forward the two-language formula (Tamil and English) in the state.
But for many people in Tamil Nadu, this was never just about language. It became a larger question of identity, dignity, and cultural independence.
Historian Sumathi Ramaswamy, in her work Passions of the Tongue: Language Devotion in Tamil India, talks about Tamil language politics and writes about how language in Tamil Nadu became deeply connected to self-respect and political identity rather than remaining only a cultural issue.
Vijay’s speedy rise to power only within two years stands in sharp contrast to the BJP’s long-term southern expansion strategy. It is not difficult to explain why.
Vijay is not the first actor-turned-politician who has stirred Dravidian politics. What appears different this time is the political timing. The death of former Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa in 2016 significantly changed Tamil Nadu’s political landscape. Her absence weakened the AIADMK’s political structure and created a leadership gap in the state. Since then, Tamil Nadu politics has appeared more fragmented, creating space for newer political figures to emerge. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) won in 2021 and formed the government with its alliance partners. This time, the state wanted a change, yet preserve its Dravidian identity.
TVK, led by the hugely popular Vijay, has emerged as a third regional competitor, making it harder for the BJP party to make their way in the heart of Tamil land, even after relying on forming regional alliances with the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK). The alliance is weak and can shift sides anytime, when the conditions are favourable to them. For Vijay to have created a brand new and winning political party and have a massive sway on the young, urban, and female voters has certainly dampened the BJP’s ambition of growth in the southern state.
More importantly, Vijay’s political messaging has remained rooted in Tamil political discourse and regional identity rather than divisive religion-based nationalism. This has allowed TVK to fit more comfortably within Tamil Nadu’s existing political fabric instead of appearing as a direct shift toward Hindutva politics.
Tamil Nadu continues to resist Hindutva politics despite having a major Hindu population because the Dravidians have long kept religious identity away from politics. BJP’s alliance with the AIADMK has further weakened its politics, with no singular regional figure of its own forming a strong local leadership. BJP still carries the tag of an ‘outsider’, which severely hampers its ambitions of expanding in the south of India.
For now, Tamil Nadu is one of the few regions in India that continues to demonstrate that in Indian politics, language and regional identity remain more politically powerful than religion. The foundation of Tamil Nadu is very secular in its essence and foundation, and thus, it has no room for the BJP’s communal politics.
Religion is not a political tool, not in this Dravidian state at least. For BJP to win in this state, it has to change its premise and give room to diversity and plurality.
is an independent writer and researcher from Andhra Pradesh, India, whose work focuses on social issues, politics, education, rural systems, gender, child protection, and climate.
